Amid the expansion of the exchange of strikes in the Gulf between the United States and Iran, Israeli calculations entered a more sensitive phase, after a visit that was scheduled for US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to Israel was canceled or postponed, at a time when Tel Aviv was preparing to present very delicate files, from Iran, Lebanon, and Gaza, to the possible F-35 fighter deal with Turkey.
According to a report by journalist Shai Levy on the “Mako” website, it was announced in Israel on Wednesday morning that US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was supposed to arrive today on a visit to the country, but the escalation between the United States and Iran, along with statements by US President Donald Trump that put the ceasefire in doubt, changed the plans.
Hegseth was supposed to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, with the talks to address the issues of Iran, Lebanon and Gaza, in addition to the sale of F-35 fighters to Turkey. In parallel, the exchange of strikes continued in the Gulf, as reports indicated that the American attacks on Iran continued in the morning, while Tehran responded by firing towards Bahrain.
Senior Israeli officials were planning to present Israel’s objection to the sale of stealth fighters to Turkey to the American minister. Israel says that one of the reasons for its opposition to providing Ankara with F-35 aircraft is related to the ability of these fifth-generation aircraft to collect intelligence information, and their low radar signature, that is, their ability to conceal themselves. Tel Aviv believes that this combination of the two capabilities may allow Turkey to collect information about the Israeli army and transfer it to hostile parties.
According to the report, Israel considered including senior Air Force officers in the meeting, to explain these points to the American minister, including the possibility of the plane’s secrets being leaked to parties hostile to the United States as well. In this context, Israel is putting pressure under the pretext of maintaining its qualitative superiority, but it does not seem certain that this pressure will achieve the desired result.
The report indicates that the main harm from the potential deal is political harm. The Israeli assessment, according to what was published earlier this week, is that even if the US President decides to give the Turks F-35 aircraft, years will pass before they arrive in Turkey, with the exception of 6 aircraft that were originally manufactured for them and are in storage. Israel believes that this deadline may allow continued opposition to the deal and work to thwart it.
Israel also intended to discuss the Iran and Lebanon files with the US Secretary of Defense. According to the report, Tel Aviv wanted to include senior officials in the Israeli army, and perhaps the Chief of Staff himself, in order to brief Hegseth and emphasize Israeli red lines.
In the morning, there were reports of hearing new explosions in Iran, which were likely the result of continued US Air Force strikes. The Iranians, for their part, responded by firing towards Bahrain. The US Army announced, through US Central Command (Centcom), that the US Air Force carried out attack waves overnight targeting 85 targets in Iran, in response to targeting commercial ships that attempted to cross the Strait of Hormuz without Iranian permission.
According to the report, the American strikes targeted sites in the ports of the city of Bandar Abbas, including armed speedboats belonging to the Revolutionary Guard. It also targeted air defense systems, headquarters, and military sites that pose a threat to the Strait of Hormuz. In contrast, Iran claimed to have attacked 80 targets in Bahrain and Kuwait.
The Israeli security establishment estimates that despite the overnight and morning strikes, the United States and Iran remain willing to reach an agreement. But she adds that exchanging blows seems like the beginning of a loss of control.
The Israeli security establishment also says that the Iranians show high self-confidence and allow themselves to fire on civilian ships, including ships escorted by the US Navy. Israel also appreciates that although the Iranians do not want the war to resume, they do not fear this possibility, unlike the Americans who prefer to see it end once and for all.
As for the Lebanese file, Israel wants to have a wider margin of movement in southern Lebanon, allowing the Israeli army to carry out strikes beyond the “yellow line,” as it says that Hezbollah is restoring infrastructure and working to collect information about the Israeli army. Tel Aviv also intended to present to the US Secretary of Defense its desire to accelerate the pace of destruction of military infrastructure, including tunnels, a pace that Israel says is moving slowly due to US restrictions.
In Gaza, Israel wants a tougher policy towards Hamas, which it says is taking advantage of the ceasefire to rebuild its capabilities and consolidate its control over 40% of the territory of the Strip. The Israeli military says Hamas’s agreement to transfer civilian control to a technocratic government and peace council does not reflect the reality on the ground.
According to the Israeli assessment, Hamas will remain practically sovereign, but without bearing responsibility for the conditions of civilians there. Israel stresses the necessity of stopping any reconstruction process in the Gaza Strip until Hamas and other armed factions dismantle their weapons. If this does not happen, Tel Aviv is working to obtain American support and approval for the possibility of resuming military maneuvers in the Strip.
In this sense, the cancellation of Hegseth’s visit does not appear to be just a protocol detail, but rather an indication of a very complex regional moment, in which the Gulf fire intersects with Israel’s calculations in Lebanon and Gaza, and with the race for influence and weapons in the region.
