January 27, 2026
Hassan Faqih – Al-Modon
“Did a dispute occur between the Amal Movement and Hezbollah over the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council?” Where did the difference in viewpoints begin? What is the series of discussions that led today to a bazaar of names that has not yet reached its happy conclusion?
Perhaps starting with a brief narration will clarify and describe the problem occurring and help understand the full picture.
After the absence of Imam Musa al-Sadr, the founder and president of the Supreme Shiite Islamic Council, Sheikh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din assumed the presidency of the council in 1994. After his death, the position of president remained vacant, as Sheikh Abdul Amir Qabalan assumed the duties of vice president.
Here the story began, as Sheikh Abdul Amir Qabalan, who is the head of the Sharia Council of the Amal Movement, was elected President of the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council by the Sharia Council, and Sheikh Ali Al-Khatib was elected Vice-President by the Sharia and Executive Councils. At that point, the law was amended so that the term was limited to six years.
After the death of Sheikh Abdul Amir Qabalan on September 4, 2021, his first deputy, Sheikh Ali Al-Khatib, assumed the duties of the guardianship, the term of which later expired, making him lacking legal legitimacy. However, things continued to go as usual, until the dispute reached its maximum point between Sheikh Al-Khatib and Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri.
This dispute opened the door once again to the necessity of correcting the legal path, through the election of a new president and vice president of the Council, which requires a new extension of the legal and executive bodies.
Legal amendments and the electoral process
According to the law sent to the House of Representatives, which was on the agenda of the Administration and Justice Committee last week, the appointment will be for the Sharia Authority, while the Executive Authority will be appointed. A proposal for a law was also put forward regarding the general body that elects the Sharia body.
Previously, the general body was composed of all clergy, while the proposed amendment would grant the right to vote to those over the age of fifty. After that, the body will be elected, which will meet in turn to elect the President of the Council, while the Sharia and Executive bodies will elect the first deputy, the second deputy, and the Secretary-General.
Accordingly, the approval of the proposal to amend the law in the House of Representatives will practically launch the election process.
Between Bahsoun, Sadiq, and Al-Khatib
Discussions between the Amal Movement and Hezbollah have not yet led to a final result. Al-Modon had previously reported, citing its information, that a tripartite committee composed of Sheikh Ahmed Qabalan, MP Qabalan Qabalan, and MP Hassan Fadlallah was following up on the file.
At the beginning of the consultations, the name of the imam of the city of Nabatieh, Sheikh Abdel Hussein Sadiq, seemed to be the most likely and closest to consensus, but Al-Modon’s sources indicated that the age factor plays a negative role in this issue. On the other hand, the Amal Movement supported the nomination of Sheikh Ali Bahsoun to assume the position, who is the representative of the authority Sheikh Bashir al-Najafi, but Hezbollah rejected this option.
Hezbollah suggested that if Sheikh Ali Bahsoun assumed the presidency of the council, Sheikh Ali Al-Khatib would be vice-president. However, Al-Khatib stipulated in this case executive and reporting powers, in addition to an independent headquarters in Hazmieh, which practically means the existence of two councils:
The first on the airport road is affiliated with the Amal Movement, and the second in Hazmieh is affiliated with Hezbollah.
This proposal was met with absolute rejection by President Nabih Berri, which led to matters being frozen and stagnant, amid a noticeable divergence of views. “Al-Modon also learned that Sheikhs Qasim Qubaisi and Muhammad Oseiran have put themselves forward to take over the position.”
According to Al-Modon’s information, Sheikh Ahmed Qabalan was a candidate with good chances, but he refused to take the position, given that assuming the presidency of the Council for a period of six years would require him to give up the excellent position of Jaafari Mufti, which is a position with no time limit. With his refusal, he was agreed to be the supervisor of the issue.
Remarkable tours and views
During the past few days, and for the first time since the outbreak of the Support War, and then the battle of “Auli al-Bas,” it was noted that Sheikh Ali al-Khatib visited the south following the recent raids, and was reassured about the conditions and livelihoods of the southerners, amid media accompaniment from Al-Manar, Al-Mayadeen, and LBCI channels, in contrast to the absence of the NBN channel.
This absence is read as a clear indication of the negative relationship between President Nabih Berri and Sheikh Al-Khatib, and the former has always refused to receive the latter despite submitting several requests in this regard. Al-Khatib’s recent appearance at the solidarity meeting with Iran, and his speech, appeared to be a consolidation on the part of Hezbollah of the man’s position, despite its awareness that he has no real chances to assume the presidency of the Council. Al-Modon learned that one of Hezbollah’s leaders said, “If we had wanted to choose a person with ideal characteristics for us, we would not have found someone like Sheikh Al-Khatib. Moreover, the party had renovated the council headquarters in Al-Hara at the request of Al-Khatib, and his requests were always answered.”
Increasing complexity and cum problem
Sources in the council’s atmosphere told Al-Modon that the visit and the media appearance are inseparable from the ongoing discussions, and that Hezbollah is pushing in the name of Sheikh Al-Khatib in confronting the Amal Movement’s choice. Also, the last meeting between President Nabih Berri and Sheikh Ahmed Qabalan, during which the Council file was a main topic on the discussion table.
Also according to the information, the file has become more complicated, and the divergence of viewpoints continues, and the real dilemma may not only be in the name of the President of the Council, but also in the name of the Vice President, which is a problem that may outweigh the importance of the first in later stages. The party wants to nominate the vice president and participate in nominating the president, something the movement rejects.
Does the disagreement reflect a broader disparity?
At this sensitive and dangerous stage for the Shiite community, the election file for the head of the Supreme Shiite Islamic Council stands out as a clear manifestation of a state of discord between the Amal Movement and Hezbollah. Does this discrepancy reflect a broader difference in national and regional files?
The truth is that these debates in the internal affairs of the sect are not new, and cannot be built upon or perpetuated as if they would weaken the Shiite-Shiite consensus, which is a red line for both parties. Internal differences have always been present, as the Amal Movement and Hezbollah, despite their brotherhood, duality and many commonalities, remain two organizations, each with its own vision and ideology.
